TRADITION QUESTIONS: Who Speaks To/For the Jews?
Click here to read about this series.
What is it?
On November 14th, almost three hundred thousand people gathered in Washington, D.C., in solidarity with Israel; a quarter of a million more watched online. The March for Israel was organized by the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and the Jewish Federations of North America. The stated goals of the rally were to support Israel, to call for the release of hostages taken by Hamas, and to combat anti-Semitism.
The March for Israel is best understood on the background of a series of major Jewish gatherings in Washington over the past many decades. While each rally emerged from a distinct historical moment, these gatherings say something about American Jewry and about America itself. Jews are unafraid to gather as a community. We proudly make use of the freedom of assembly to advocate for our needs and concerns. The stated goals of these gatherings, the content of their programs, and their lasting effect on those who participate in them help to define American Jewry. A review of these gatherings can create some context for analyses and questions.
The Rabbis March (1943)
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1943—RABBIS MARCH: 400 rabbis were received at the Capitol steps by the Senate majority and minority leaders, and the Speaker of the House. After prayers for the war effort at the Lincoln Memorial, the rabbis marched to the White House to plead with President Franklin D. Roosevelt. They were informed that the President was busy all day and were instead received by Vice President Henry Wallace. It was later learned that Roosevelt had several free hours that afternoon but had avoided meeting the delegation on the advice of some of his Jewish aides, who thought the protest would stir up anti-Semitism. They claimed that the protesting rabbis, many of whom were Orthodox immigrants, “were not representative of American Jewry.” In the November 1943 issue of his journal Opinion, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise referred to the march as a “painful and even lamentable exhibition,” calling it “propaganda by stunts” and accused the rabbis of offending the dignity of the Jewish people. Disappointed and angered by FDR’s failure to meet with them, the rabbis stood in front of the White House handing their petition to the Presidential secretary, Marvin McIntyre.
FRIDAY, JUNE 9, 1967—PUBLIC RALLY FOR ISRAEL: In the midst of the Six Day War, 50,000 Jews from all sections of the country gathered in Lafayette Park opposite the White House to voice support for Israel and vow, “that the victories won on the field of battle shall not be lost at the tables of diplomacy.” Speakers at the rally — Senators, labor officials and Jewish spokesmen — called on the Johnson Administration to put its weight behind direct Arab-Israel talks leading toward a permanent peace. Speakers included Jewish organizational leaders: Dr. Joachim Prinz, chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations; Rabbi Israel Miller, chairman of the American Zionists Council; Morris B. Abram, president of the American Jewish Committee; and Dr. William A. Wexler, president of B’nai B’rith. Civil Rights leaders A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin also spoke on behalf of Israel.
Natan Sharansky (1987)
SUNDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1987—FREEDOM SUNDAY FOR SOVIET JEWS: 200,000 people demonstrated on the National Mall in solidarity for Soviet Jewry on the eve of a summit between Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev and U.S. President Ronald Reagan. The mass mobilization brought activists from across the United States to demand that Gorbachev extend his policy of Glasnost to Soviet Jews by putting an end to their forced assimilation and allowing their emigration from the USSR. Reported at the time to be the “largest Jewish rally ever held in Washington,” it showed “clearly where the real strength of American Jewish organizations existed,” wrote historian Henry L. Feingold. It was “not in negotiating with sovereign powers that gave no assurance that they would implement what might be agreed to. The rally demonstrated that public relations techniques to focus attention on the plight of Soviet Jewry had become a formidable skill developed by the American Soviet Jewry movement.” Among the most distinguished speakers were then Vice-President George H.W. Bush; recently-freed Soviet refusnik Natan Sharansky; the Speaker of the House of Representatives; the minority leader of the Senate; and singers Peter, Paul and Mary.
MONDAY. APRIL 15, 2002—NATIONAL RALLY IN SOLIDARITY WITH ISRAEL: After terrorist attacks across Israel, including the bombing of a Passover Seder at the Park Hotel in Netanya, 100,000 people rallied in front of the Capitol in support of Israel’s efforts to combat Palestinian terrorism. Speakers linked Israel’s response to the second intifada to the United States response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The rally was organized by the Orthodox Union and the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations. U.S. politicians joined Benjamin Netanyahu (then former prime minister) in addressing the rally, including Rudolph Giuliani; New York Gov. George Pataki; and House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt. The only speaker who elicited any hostility was Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul D. Wolfowitz, who condemned suicide bombers as “murderers” and not martyrs but also said Israelis “are not the only victims of violence in the Middle East.” Nobel Laureate Elie Wiesel also addressed the rally.
Washington, Nov. 14, 2023
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 2023—THE MARCH FOR ISRAEL: Speakers included Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, House Speaker Mike Johnson, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, Israeli president Isaac Herzog (via video from Jerusalem), and U.S. envoy on antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt. Organizers said that the diverse speaker roster, including actors, musicians, broadcast news personalities, and representatives of the hostage families was intended to reach “across divisions” and be bipartisan, reflecting broad support by the United States Congress. The message from the rally was broad support for Israel. As stated on the March’s website, “The March for Israel was a moving, emphatic march with an unmistakable message: America stands with Israel.”
Why does it matter?
Some criticized the rally for its “murky message.” Yet, the fact that many different opinions, motivations, thoughts on Israel, ways to be Jewish were able to come together demonstrated something rare in our divisive society. The history of these rallies – specifically the first rally in 1943 and that in 2002 – shows the difficulty of creating a message that Jews of different religious and political outlooks can unify around. The retraction of Haredi support for the rally indicates this ongoing challenge.
These rallies serve a political purpose. They demonstrate broad American support for issues that concern the Jewish people. The speakers and their messages have always served this goal. The support is both political and popular. The presence of Christian leaders and civil rights leaders at the 1967 and 1987 rallies reflect a long-term strategy of uniting the Jewish cause with those of others. Yet, early rallies placed greater emphasis on Jewish leaders representing Jewish interests at these rallies. The current spotlight on celebrities and diversity over communal leaders and their mission-focus reflects a change in both Jewish and American society.
Rally participants report the value they place on standing among like-minded Jews and Israel supporters. They rarely report being moved by the speakers. The ability to act meaningfully for their people at a time of need allows them to see themselves as part of something bigger than themselves. Something of value is taught to children who join their parents and schools in these moments. Jewish Americans stand for something. Jewish Americans do something.
What questions remain?
Can these rallies be harnessed for educational and communal purposes beyond political objectives?
If America had a chief rabbi, as in South Africa or England, would he have spoken at a rally like this one? What does the absence of a rabbinic voice at the largest gathering of Jews in U.S. history say about American religious leadership? What responsibility do rabbis themselves have for their exclusion from speaking at these events?
Malcolm Hoenlein, executive vice chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, in an interview with Dovid Lichtenstein, explained that the rally specifically did not include rabbinic voices, which would have required representatives across the denominations, so as to make non-offensive to the “frum” community (listen here from 41:25). Given the retraction of support by R. Aharon Feldman of Ner Israel, alongside that of other Orthodox rabbis, was this a wise trade-off?
If a rabbi had spoken at the 2023 March for Israel, what would he have said? What should he have said?
What can be done to close the gap between Jews in America so that even larger groups might come together in the future?
Chaim Strauchler, an associate editor of TRADITION, is rabbi of Cong. Rinat Yisrael in Teaneck.